The Temporalities of Diasporic Belonging: Tibetan-Canadian Children and the Production of National Identity
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Shannon Ward
As members of a diasporic nation whose roots are shifting from India to North America, Tibetan-Canadian children are at the forefront of cultural change. Despite the central role of children in cultural reproduction and transformation, the study of transnational Tibet has often focused onBuddhist institutions or the narratives of elders who first entered into political exile. While mostTibetan exiles still live in South Asia, since the early 1970s, the Tibetan population in Canada has been growing, facilitated partly through federal resettlement programs. Inspired by postcolonial critiques of how constructions of childhood exclude children from public life and politics (Viruru 2005), I use photographs of everyday life in the Tibetan-Canadian community inVancouver, British Columbia to demonstrate children’s roles as active producers of the Tibetan nation in exile. Through these images, I trace how the temporalities of a diasporic nation are situating children as active agents of cultural and political survival.The Tibetan diaspora is made up of an estimated 150,000 individuals, living in more than forty countries. This transnational community traces its roots to a first exodus in 1959, when political violence in Lhasa, Tibet’s capital city, caused the Tibetan people’s spiritual and political leader, the Dalai Lama, to flee to India. This mass migration marked a pivotal moment in Tibet’s cultural and political history, which is known as “the change of time in Tibet” (Wylie Tibetan:bod du dus ‘gyur) or “the collapse of time in Tibet” (Wylie Tibetan: bod du dus log pa) (Desal 2020, 8). Amid these senses of temporal disorder and historical disjuncture, Tibetans rebuilt their society in India with an exile government, monasteries, and secular schools that mirrored the institutions of independent Tibet. In forming an exiled nation, the new Tibetan government, centered in Dharamsala, India, looked to schools as vehicles of political unification.
Shortly after entering India in 1959, the DalaiLama and Indian prime minister Jawaharlal Nehru agreed to establish Tibetan schools in line with legislated rights for minoritized communities (Maslak 2008, 85). The Tibetan exile government established 82 schools across India, which have adapted traditional learning methods to a secular curriculum of Tibetan language and Buddhist culture (Thubten 2009, 63). As the Tibetan exile government’s Education Code of 2005 asserted, “it was of paramount importancethat we maintain our national identity [emphasis added] and at the same time prepare ourselves to take on the new challenges posed by new ideas” (as cited in Maslak 2008, 87). Tibetan schools thus located Tibetan national identity in the past, while noting the need to adapt to shared futures. Despite the vibrancy of Tibetan institutions in South Asia, over the past two decades, the number of Tibetans living in India has drastically decreased, expanding the geographic reach of theTibetan diaspora. Tibetans are moving to seek citizenship and opportunities for socio-economic mobility, especially in Canada, Germany, Switzerland, and the United States. In Canada, many Tibetan immigrants work in essential services like care work which, although not highly paid,provide financial stability not often found in Tibetan settlements in India.These new migration patterns have altered the roles of schools and families in the intergenerational transmission of language and culture. Given the remote nature of many Tibetans ettlements in India, children left their families as young as three years old to study Tibetan language, history, and culture in the exile government’s schools. Today, the Tibetan exile government’s schools remain in India, but their teachers and students are moving. With new waves of migration out of India, responsibility for children’s education has shifted from boarding schools to private, community-based initiatives like weekend heritage language schools. TheTibetan Cultural Society of British Columbia, for example, operates a heritage language school primarily through a group of parents, with the support of a local monastery. It offers weekly classes in Tibetan language, music, and dance, some of which are taught by former teachers from the Tibetan exile government’s schools in India.In Vancouver, this Tibetan weekend school mirrors nation-building activities from Tibetan schools in India. An assembly marks the start of each school day, where children sing theTibetan and Canadian national anthems. Children stand in lines from tallest to shortest, manifesting an image of growth. With their hands held in prayer, children show reverence for thetwo nations in a uniquely Tibetan gesture of respect. During classes, students learn from worksheets and videos created by the Tibetan exile government’s Department of Education.These materials feature elements of cultural heritage, such as dress and Buddhist practices, while expressing an underlying nationalist sentiment by referencing the lack of religious and political freedom in Tibet and suggesting a future of repatriation. For example, one song ends with the didactic message: “By studying well, go to the Tibetan homeland!” (Wylie Tibetan: slob sbyongyagpo sbyang nas phayul bod la ‘gro).
In building children’s national identities, the weekend school socializes students to act as representatives of the Tibetan nation. As part of public activism, children showcase cultural heritage through public performances, such as Vancouver’s annual Tibet Fest. Children present dances and music, vendors serve momos (Tibetan dumplings) and butter tea, and volunteers provide information on Tibetan history. While these spectacles aim to introduce the Canadian public to the Tibetan political cause, they also create new traditions. For example, in August 2024, at Tibet Fest, a Tibetan toddler rode a scooter in front of a stage where teenagers performed Tashi Sholpa (Wylie Tibetan: bkra shis zhol pa), the oldest branch of Tibetan opera. The juxtaposition of the toddler’s spontaneous movement with the meticulously rehearsed dance demonstrates the ways that Tibetan-Canadian children’s everyday practices interface with the explicit articulation of Tibetan identity.
Another toddler, for example, drew his hands in veneration in front of a framed thangka painting of the Buddhist deity Tara (Wylie Tibetan: rje brtsun sgrol ma) that was displayed for auction. While onlookers oriented to the thangka as a product for sale, this toddler re-enacted prayer in the public space of the auction booth. The youngest Tibetan-Canadians, many of whom are among the first generation born in Canada, are bringing Tibetan cultural practices into new and unexpected public spaces in ways that demonstrate cultural continuity. Given that cultural showcases represent a form of political activism, even very young children are subtly reproducing the nation in exile through their everyday activities. That is, even as they move through independent play activities, young children are participating in broader communal displays of culture and history that help to constitute the Tibetan nation.
In some cases, Tibetan-Canadian children’s everyday engagement with their material environments reveals more explicit articulations of a national identity. In fact, given that the heritage language school only operates one day every week, parents make considerable efforts to build children’s national identities at home. In early July 2024, in one family’s play shed, a Tibetan flag, affixed to the wall with masking tape, peaked from between stacks of neatly organized toys. When asked who placed the flag amongst the play items, a four-year-old child from this family asserted “my Daddy did.” This image evidences the pervasiveness of symbols of Tibetan nationhood in Tibetan-Canadian children’s everyday lives, as well as the role of parents in facilitating children’s adoption of political identities. As they play, learn, and build social relationships, even very young children actively engage in the production of new diasporic traditions—festivals, public prayer, and the use of material culture—that emphasize the historical continuity of the Tibetan nation
​Throughout their families’ transnational migrations, Tibetan-Canadian children are reconfiguring diasporic belonging in their spontaneous play as well as their participation in community-wide traditions. With public displays of Tibetan heritage, young children reconstitute Tibetan history in a diasporic present. That is, children uphold Tibet in transnational space, drawing on symbols of nationhood that circulate between India and Canada. Although these symbols are borrowed from traditions established in the exile government’s institutions in India, the responsibility for recognizing and reproducing these symbols has shifted to families and children in Canada. In Canada, children attend mainstream public schools, where they encounter an ethos of multiculturalism that supports their expressions of cultural difference. To more explicitly foster children’s political identities, parents are building grassroots initiatives for Tibetan education that draw on nationalist curricula from the government in exile, and reinforcing the significance of the Tibetan nation at home. In response, young children are using Tibetan cultural practices to reconstitute a diasporic nation in Canada.
* Dr Shannon Ward is an Assistant Professor of Anthropology, in the Department of Community, Culture, and Global Studies at the University of British Columbia Okanagan.
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She is trained as a linguistic anthropologist (Ph.D. New York University 2019), and specializes in the study of language acquisition and socialization, multilingualism, language shift, and language documentation.
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** All photos are by the author.
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References
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Desal, Tenzin. 2020. “Shadowing Networks: Note Towards Reconfiguration of Tibetan Institutions in Exile and Archipelagic Diaspora.” Tibet Policy Journal 8 (2): 1–28.
Maslak, Mary Ann. 2008. “School as a Site of Tibetan Ethnic Identity Construction in India? Results from a Content Analysis of Textbooks and Delphi Study of Teachers’ Perceptions.” Educational Review 60 (1): 85–106.
Thubten, Samphel. 2009. “Maintaining Vitality in Exile: The Tibetan Refugees in South Asia.” Harvard International Review 31 (3): 60–63.
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Viruru, Radhika. 2005. “The Impact of Postcolonial Theory on Early Childhood Education.” Journal of Education 35 (1): 7–30. https://doi.org/10.10520/AJA0259479X_104.